REPORTER, Wednesday, December 12, 1973
"Hey, Get Me Out Of Here!"
How About Some New Rules
Yon Rules Committeemen
By John Nichols
Carroll At The Mercy
Of Miller And Ford?
There once was a
time when ambitious Kentucky
Democrats fell all over each other in
the scramble to become the party's
U.S. Senate contender . . to achieve
the honor of being the first to crack
the Republican grip on both seats in
Now look at the situation. The
election is next year and Lt. Gov.
Julian Carroll is constantly being
recommended by some "friends" for
the post and is constantly refusing to
The latest to voice such an opinion
County Judge Todd
comfortably just last month. And
Carroll is still acting like a grumpy
Santa Claus who believes with friends
like that, he'd much prefer spending
Christmas widi his enemies.
appreciation for Ilollcnbach's support,
Carroll mentioned ."little games .being
played" to push lum into die Senate.
We suppose he's talking about the
antics of such party friends as former
cliaiiman J. R. Miller and Gov.
ll was after Hollenbach met Hih
Miller :it Kentucky Dnm Village, site
week, that the judge
acknowledged by piililical watchers to
be a sure candidate for the Senate
expicsscd sudden deep
interest in Cainiir.s Senate prospects.
Oh, what wisdom emanates from
just a few minutes' worship at the feet
of the mighty.
Why, don't you recall that it was
just last election night that Hollenbach
was in such awe about Wendell Ford's
eminence among Democrats widi a
chance to win Marlow Cook's Senate
seat? And weren't the same sentiments
being expressed the same night by
House Speaker Norbert Blume?
If a cynic were to disregard the
polite rhetoric, political hypocricies,
the various red hceriiigs, he might
conclude that Miller
noises like a candidate for governor
not so long ago offered Hollenbach
a shot at the governorship in 1975.
administration is really concerned
The Senate mailer is still mightly
unusual. Normally any Kentucky
governor is looking toward die Senate
to cap his career, and here we have a
lieutenant governor refusing to run
when Democratic chances never
looked better. There are a lot of
that Ford will ultimately make the
Senate race. "Where else can he go?"
they ask, convinced that he'll not
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the Rules Committee
bottled them up and the
legislature never had a chance to
vote yea or nay.
Needless to say, the Rules
Committee met in closed session,
and the public never knew how
its members voted.
Those who defend this
clandestine system say it keeps
many "bad" bills from coining to
the floor (where presumably
their fellow legislators with less
sophistication or probity would
quickly enact them into law).
when it convenes in January, has
an opportunity to demonstrate
the degree to which it really is a
legislature for the people. At
least on the state level, it can go
a long way toward restoring the
good image of government which
has been sullied so badly by
Watergate on the national scene.
The test facing the legislature
revolves around a demand for
abolishing secret meetings of the
Rules Committees in the House
and the Senate. Indications are
that the Senate will probably
flunk the test. The House has at
least an even chance to pass.
In each house, the Rules
Committee is the traffic cop. No
bill reported out by any of the
other committees (which deal
with the content of the bill) can
be voted on by the full house
unless the Rules Committee
reports it out. In the past, many
bills, both good and bad, have
died a quiet death simply
Killing such "bad" bills is easier,
they say, if pressure groups are
not looking down their throats
while they do it.
The obvious response is that
"good" bills get washed down
the drain without a vote, along
with the "bad" bills. Further,
any legislator should have the
The closed Rules Committee
is an invitation to pander to
special interest groups without
ever having to account to the
general public. It is in addition
an invitation by other legislators
to pass the buck to the Rules
Committee, posing as champions
of bills they really don't want,
and depending on the Rules
14 "subject-matter- "
committees to open most or all
of their deliberations to the
public. The Rules Committees
have remained among the last
fortresses of secrecy. Now, a
press survey indictes, the House
"go public." In the Senate, only
Lt. Gov. Julian Carroll has come
intestinal fortitude to stand up
and be counted. Openness is not
the enemy of good government.
problems and reactions of the
truckers than in most other
We can sympathize with the
truckers. They are vital to the
nation's distribution system. And
they're doing a job most of us
couldn't handle or wouldn't put
up with for more than a trip
across town. Their livelihood is
threatened by a whole series of
short fuel supply,
black market, prices for enough '
fuel to keep them going and
slower speeds which they say
cost them wasted man hours
and inefficient use of their rigs.
But they at least are on the
way to getting their problems
eased. They accomplished this
not inconsiderable feat by
demonstrations which illegally
tied up traffic at many key
points for many hours, causing
hardships and disarray, and
threats of more of the same.
If they had been peaceful
peace marchers in the nation's
capital in a somewhat earlier
season, the Nixon administration
We're glad a nationwide truck
..strike or. blockage has ,, been,.,
verted, if indeed it has been. We
still "want to See food in the
grocery stores, merchandise in
the department stores, and
newsprint available to our
presses, and it takes trucks, for
the most part, to get them there.
But we don't like the idea of
special favors to any power bloc
whether truckers, or oil, or
coal, or any other group with the
muscle to sabotage the economy.
The public should not be made
to bear the brunt of the energy
crisis burden while private
interests get all the breaks. But it
seems that is the way the script is
encompassing "open meetings"
bill which will ensure that the
people's business be done in
public. The last such bill was
killed in a closed meeting of the
House Rules Committee in 1972.
We trust a heightened sense of
obligation to the public will
prevent a repetition of such an
By Romano Mazzoli
Truckers Apply Brakes,
And Get Quick Breaks
would have cracked their heads
in and hauled them off to cells.
But in this instance the Nixon
administration wasted no time in
extending special considerations
to the truckers, promises of price
relief and an effort to provide
more diesel fuel. This is virtually
the same fuel that is used for
some heating purposes, but then
consumers don't have that kind
of organized clout.
meetings. We hope the House
will set the Senate a good
We'd also like to know why
more than one legislator who
says he has no "personal
problem" with open meetings or
the recording of his vote still
presumes to speak for the public
in advocating that the sessions
Secrecy nearly always is.
The impact of the energy
crisis is more dramatic and more
visible (this week at least) in the
hypocrisy in its secret sessions.
There has been a healthy
trend in the past few years for
Is 4Great Feeling'
Kentucky and 25
other states have corrected the ,
situation by passing laws authorizing
the payment of "adoption subsidies,"
which make it financially feasible for '
For children especially, the season
such families to adopt foster children. '
is magical. The presents they receive
Adoption subsidies do not represent
are more than gifts; they show the
an additional burden to the state, since
warmth and love and security of
the state already pays the cost of the ,
"belonging" to a family.
child's foster care expenses.
Perhaps this season is the time to
The Kentucky adoption subsidy ;
think about the youngsters who have
law was enacted in 1972, after 1 left j
no families; youngsters who for one
the General Assembly to come to i
reasor or anothe- r- have been
Congress. However, this year I havcJ
'separated from,' ihe5, natural parents,,
vyorked on similar legislation
&1 District Columbia.
Government strives to afford
As chairman of the subcommittee
compassionate care for these children.
which deals with social services in the
But government cannot reproduce a
District of Columbia, I was responsible
loving family environment. In many
for public hearings, drafting, and
instances, the help of foster parents
finally for managing the "finished
enables the state to place its wards in
product" on the House floor when it
homes where there is warmth and love.
was taken up for passage.
But foster care falls short of being
The District of Columbia Adoption
an ideal solution. It lacks security and
Subsidy bill was passed 350 to 0 by
permanence. Often, financial hardships
the House and sent to the Senate,
where favorable action is expected
irony is the
shortly. While this was not a
financial barrier against adoption.
particularly controversial bill, it is still
Many foster parents fall deeply in love
seldom that you can walk off the
with their youngsters and would like
House floor without a single vote cast
to make them
against you. I'd be less than honest if I
members. Yet this would terminate
didn't confess that it was a great
badly needed foster care payments.
For most of us, the approaching
Christmas holidays will be a time of
family togetherness, reunions and gift
Washington Merry - Go -Round
Setting The Record Straight
settle for a return to selling insurance
We think Carroll knows what he
wants and what he'd doing. We would
be the last to say he is foolish for not
stepping into a vacancy supposedly
just waiting for him, especially if
Republican incumbent Marlow Cook
combine has no
The Miller-For- d
love for Carroll. It's quite capable, if
so inclined, of sending Carroll into the
arena as a Senate nominee and then
cutting off support or sitting on its
hands and contributing to his possible
But, why would the administration
pull such a stunt? Well, there's no
percentage in doublccrossing Carroll
except for maybe some personal
satisfaction for a few we'd class as
factionally tetched. But with Carroll in
Washington, he'd be out of the way
team can proceed
and the Miller-For- d
with its selections for governor.
encouraging sign before a legislative
session is the collective independent
attitude of freshmen House and Senate
members, cither too idealistic or raw
to hurriedly fall into line with the way
things are done.
At Kentucky Dam the new group
called for open meetings of the
important rules committees in both
chambers. That's just great, though we
doubt anything will come of the
About a third of all the lawmakers
are new to the process. We kind of
regard most of them as the best hope
for upgrading the Legislature, provided
they're not overtaken by lazyness,
disillusionment or the various forms of
BY JACK ANDERSON
We have been
of compromising an
intelligence operation, perhaps even
jeopardizing the life an an agent, inside
the Soviet Union.
Let us set the record straight.
More than two years ago, we were
tipped off that tlie Central Intelligence
Agency had managed to eavesdrop on
the private conversations of Kremlin
leaders. Some of die transcripts, we
were told, were quite tiltillating.
We checked out the story with a
CIA source who had access to the
transcripts. He confirmed that the CIA
was intercepting the telephone traffic
between the limousines of Soviet
president, who apparently was familiar
Our source said the transcripts
showed that the Kremlin chiefs were
aware the CIA was listening to them.
Anything they already knew, he
agreed, should be safe for the
American people to be told.
Therefore, it should do no harm to
write about the eavesdropping
operation, said our source. He
cautioned, however, that the
monitored conversations didn't make
clear whether the Soviet leaders had
figured out how we did it.
We published a careful story on
Unfortunately, he said, they didn't
hold strategy sessions in their
limousines. The CIA picked up small
talk, however, wliich provided an
insight into the personalities of the
likes of party chief Leonid Brezhnev,
Premier Alexei Kosygin and President
The transcripts revealed that the
Soviet leaders gossip about one
another and complain about their
ailments. Their favorite limousine stop
was a private clinic where they could
get steam baths, rubdowns and other
Brezhnev, who sometimes drinks
too much vodka and suffers from
hangovers, told Podgorny in a typical
conversation that he was suffering
from the woes and would stop off at
the clinic for a massage. He mentioned
a masseuse named Olga.
"Olga! Oh ho!" chortled the Soviet
eavesdropping. "For obvious security
reasons," we wrote, "we can't give a
clue as to how it's done. But we can
state categorically that for years the
CIA has been able to listen to the
kingpins of the Kremlin banter, bicker
and backbite among themselves."
The following December, we
quoted from secret White House
minutes to show that President Nixon
had lied to Congress and the public
This brought the President's
gumshoes down on our necks with a
vengeance. No newsmen in Nixondom
have ever received a more thorough
going-oveThe undercover work was
done by the plumbers, the bizarre
unit whose operatives ran
around in CIA wigs and committed
The bewigged ones, among other
things, began checking into our
account of the Kremlin bugging. This
aroused Richard Helms, then the CIA
chief, who invited me to lunch on
March 17, 1972.
He asked me not to mention the
eavesdropping operation in my book,
"The Anderson Papers." He
acknowledged that the Kremlin leaders
knew their conversations had been
monitored. But he pleaded with me to
keep quiet and urged me particularly
to mention how
conversations were intercepted.
Accordingly, I omitted the
references from my book and left it to
others to reveal the secret monitoring
method. Not until today, after the
limousine-listeninoperation has been
widely publicized elsewhere, have we
mentioned how it was done.
Nevertheless, the White House has
seized upon this affair to justify the
President's claim of national security
in the plumbers case. Aides have been
whispering that our story shut down
one of the best pipelines into the
This is strictly a red herring, which
President Nixon hopes will distract the
Watergate bloodhounds. The truth is
that: (1) the monitored Kremlin
chitchat was never an important
intelligence source; (2) our September
16, 1971, story revealed nothing the
Kremlin leaders didn't already know;
and (3) the President's claim of
national security simply won't wash.
His motive is perfectly clear. He is
vulnerable to charges that he
obstructed the investigation of the
plumbers. For he has admitted not
only that he formed the plumbers but
that he ordered Assistant Attorney
General Henry Petersen not to
Now Emil Krogh, the chief plumber,
has pleaded guilty to one of the crimes
committed by his curious crew. Other
criminal indictments have been handed
The President's attempt to block an
investigation into these crimes,
therefore, would appear to be
obstruction of justice
which itself is
His justification for attempting to
cover up the plumbers' crimes is
national security. But Krogh has cut
some of the ground out from under
him by telling the judge: "I now feel
that I cannot in conscience assert
national security as a defense."
SECRET TAPES: Another set of
secret tapes has turned up in the
prosecutors, however, don't know
whether to believe what they have
The tapes contain the monitored
conversations of a banker, who
boasted he handled a secret portfolio
for President Nixon at BcBe Rcbozo's
Key Biscayne Bank.
The boast was made by Franklin
DeBoer, who worked for awhile as vice
president in charge of the trust
department at Rcbozo's bank. A White
House spokesman and a source close
to Rebozo joined in denouncing the
statement as completely false.
DeBoer didn't know his words were
being recorded as he talked freely on
the phone and elsewhere about his
banking business. We have now had
access to the tapes.
"I happen to work for Mr. Rebozo,
Mr. Abplanalp and Mr. Nixon," said
DeBoer. (Robert Abplanalp is another
of the President's rich friends.) "You
work for Mr. Nixon?" asked a friend.
"Yes . . .," said DeBoer. "I happen
to draw a substantial salary outside the
bank from them, which is obviously
what all these guys are trying to prove,
The tape is slightly garbled at this
point DeBoer said either "he" or
"we" run "the private portfolios for
these people in the bank. . . ."
"You know," he continued, "I have
a salary that is substantially greater
than the bank pays me from these
people. I don't go out and (spit) in
"But you said in your testimony
that you had no other Income,"
remarked a friend.
"No other income that they could
find, okay?" said DeBoer. "Let me
worry about my income, huh?"