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Image 4 of Jefferson reporter (Buechel, Ky.), December 12, 1973

Part of Jefferson reporter (Buechel, Ky.)

REPORTER, Wednesday, December 12, 1973 Editorials "Hey, Get Me Out Of Here!" KyMfw X S How About Some New Rules Yon Rules Committeemen The Frankfort Watchline Si By John Nichols 1 Carroll At The Mercy Of Miller And Ford? - There once was a FRANKFORT time when ambitious Kentucky Democrats fell all over each other in the scramble to become the party's U.S. Senate contender . . to achieve the honor of being the first to crack the Republican grip on both seats in Washington. Now look at the situation. The election is next year and Lt. Gov. Julian Carroll is constantly being recommended by some "friends" for the post and is constantly refusing to budge. The latest to voice such an opinion is Jefferson County Judge Todd who won Hollenbach, comfortably just last month. And Carroll is still acting like a grumpy Santa Claus who believes with friends like that, he'd much prefer spending Christmas widi his enemies. ' After cxprssing routine appreciation for Ilollcnbach's support, Carroll mentioned ."little games .being played" to push lum into die Senate. We suppose he's talking about the antics of such party friends as former cliaiiman J. R. Miller and Gov. Wendell Find. ll was after Hollenbach met Hih Miller :it Kentucky Dnm Village, site conference last of the long week, that the judge acknowledged by piililical watchers to be a sure candidate for the Senate some day expicsscd sudden deep interest in Cainiir.s Senate prospects. Oh, what wisdom emanates from just a few minutes' worship at the feet of the mighty. Why, don't you recall that it was just last election night that Hollenbach was in such awe about Wendell Ford's eminence among Democrats widi a chance to win Marlow Cook's Senate seat? And weren't the same sentiments being expressed the same night by House Speaker Norbert Blume? If a cynic were to disregard the polite rhetoric, political hypocricies, the various red hceriiigs, he might himself making conclude that Miller noises like a candidate for governor not so long ago offered Hollenbach a shot at the governorship in 1975. - - '' - that's what the state administration is really concerned about. The Senate mailer is still mightly unusual. Normally any Kentucky governor is looking toward die Senate to cap his career, and here we have a lieutenant governor refusing to run when Democratic chances never looked better. There are a lot of Frankfort-oricnlefolks convinced that Ford will ultimately make the Senate race. "Where else can he go?" they ask, convinced that he'll not d J vuer ji'Hhioh Serving Southeastern Suburb Louisville end Jefferson County Publihd By Each Wadnatday Tht Jtffcrion Reporter Publishing Co., Inc. LEWIS CONN, Publisher CHARLES SPRINGER, Nwt Editor HARRY W. KLEIN. Adv. Director P.O. Box 18309, Louiivillj, Kentucky 40218 Office: 1 1 1 Bonnie Lane- - Phone 459-333MEMBER: KENTUCKY PRESS ASSOCIATION NATIONAL NEWSPAPER ASSOCIATION NEWSPAPERS, INC. Represented Nationally by U.S. SUBURBAN PRESS INC. AND AMERICAN NEWSPAPER REPRESENTATIVES Second Class Postage Paid at Louisville, Ky. Subscription Rates: $5 Per Year 2 Yrs. $9-- 3 Yn. $12 Outside Jefferson County $6 - the Rules Committee bottled them up and the legislature never had a chance to vote yea or nay. Needless to say, the Rules Committee met in closed session, and the public never knew how its members voted. Those who defend this clandestine system say it keeps many "bad" bills from coining to the floor (where presumably their fellow legislators with less sophistication or probity would quickly enact them into law). legislature, because when it convenes in January, has an opportunity to demonstrate the degree to which it really is a legislature for the people. At least on the state level, it can go a long way toward restoring the good image of government which has been sullied so badly by Watergate on the national scene. The test facing the legislature revolves around a demand for abolishing secret meetings of the Rules Committees in the House and the Senate. Indications are that the Senate will probably flunk the test. The House has at least an even chance to pass. In each house, the Rules Committee is the traffic cop. No bill reported out by any of the other committees (which deal with the content of the bill) can be voted on by the full house unless the Rules Committee reports it out. In the past, many bills, both good and bad, have died a quiet death simply Killing such "bad" bills is easier, they say, if pressure groups are not looking down their throats while they do it. The obvious response is that "good" bills get washed down the drain without a vote, along with the "bad" bills. Further, any legislator should have the The closed Rules Committee is an invitation to pander to special interest groups without ever having to account to the general public. It is in addition an invitation by other legislators to pass the buck to the Rules Committee, posing as champions of bills they really don't want, and depending on the Rules bury to Committee the 14 "subject-matter- " committees to open most or all of their deliberations to the public. The Rules Committees have remained among the last fortresses of secrecy. Now, a press survey indictes, the House Rules Committee may actually "go public." In the Senate, only Lt. Gov. Julian Carroll has come intestinal fortitude to stand up and be counted. Openness is not the enemy of good government. problems and reactions of the truckers than in most other areas. We can sympathize with the truckers. They are vital to the nation's distribution system. And they're doing a job most of us couldn't handle or wouldn't put up with for more than a trip across town. Their livelihood is threatened by a whole series of new hazards short fuel supply, - black market, prices for enough ' fuel to keep them going and slower speeds which they say cost them wasted man hours and inefficient use of their rigs. But they at least are on the way to getting their problems eased. They accomplished this not inconsiderable feat by demonstrations which illegally tied up traffic at many key points for many hours, causing hardships and disarray, and threats of more of the same. If they had been peaceful peace marchers in the nation's capital in a somewhat earlier season, the Nixon administration ( We're glad a nationwide truck ..strike or. blockage has ,, been,., ' verted, if indeed it has been. We c still "want to See food in the grocery stores, merchandise in : the department stores, and newsprint available to our presses, and it takes trucks, for the most part, to get them there. But we don't like the idea of special favors to any power bloc whether truckers, or oil, or coal, or any other group with the muscle to sabotage the economy. The public should not be made to bear the brunt of the energy crisis burden while private interests get all the breaks. But it seems that is the way the script is being written. - The Kentucky Press drafted an encompassing "open meetings" bill which will ensure that the people's business be done in Association has public. The last such bill was killed in a closed meeting of the House Rules Committee in 1972. We trust a heightened sense of obligation to the public will prevent a repetition of such an ironic fate. By Romano Mazzoli Truckers Apply Brakes, And Get Quick Breaks would have cracked their heads in and hauled them off to cells. But in this instance the Nixon administration wasted no time in extending special considerations to the truckers, promises of price relief and an effort to provide more diesel fuel. This is virtually the same fuel that is used for some heating purposes, but then consumers don't have that kind of organized clout. committee meetings. We hope the House will set the Senate a good example. We'd also like to know why more than one legislator who says he has no "personal problem" with open meetings or the recording of his vote still presumes to speak for the public in advocating that the sessions remain closed. Representative View Secrecy nearly always is. The impact of the energy crisis is more dramatic and more visible (this week at least) in the their hypocrisy in its secret sessions. There has been a healthy trend in the past few years for for open out T. . Unanimous Passage Is 4Great Feeling' a ' " Kentucky and 25 Fortunately, other states have corrected the , situation by passing laws authorizing the payment of "adoption subsidies," which make it financially feasible for ' For children especially, the season such families to adopt foster children. ' is magical. The presents they receive Adoption subsidies do not represent are more than gifts; they show the an additional burden to the state, since warmth and love and security of the state already pays the cost of the , "belonging" to a family. child's foster care expenses. Perhaps this season is the time to The Kentucky adoption subsidy ; think about the youngsters who have law was enacted in 1972, after 1 left j no families; youngsters who for one the General Assembly to come to i reasor or anothe- r- have been Congress. However, this year I havcJ 'separated from,' ihe5, natural parents,, vyorked on similar legislation &1 District Columbia. and siblings. T'"" of Government strives to afford As chairman of the subcommittee compassionate care for these children. which deals with social services in the But government cannot reproduce a District of Columbia, I was responsible loving family environment. In many for public hearings, drafting, and instances, the help of foster parents finally for managing the "finished enables the state to place its wards in product" on the House floor when it homes where there is warmth and love. was taken up for passage. But foster care falls short of being The District of Columbia Adoption an ideal solution. It lacks security and Subsidy bill was passed 350 to 0 by permanence. Often, financial hardships the House and sent to the Senate, exist. where favorable action is expected One unfortunate irony is the shortly. While this was not a financial barrier against adoption. particularly controversial bill, it is still Many foster parents fall deeply in love seldom that you can walk off the with their youngsters and would like House floor without a single vote cast to make them family against you. I'd be less than honest if I members. Yet this would terminate didn't confess that it was a great badly needed foster care payments. feeling. For most of us, the approaching Christmas holidays will be a time of family togetherness, reunions and gift exchanges. 4 : - legally-adopte- d Washington Merry - Go -Round Setting The Record Straight - And s settle for a return to selling insurance in Owcnsboro. We think Carroll knows what he wants and what he'd doing. We would be the last to say he is foolish for not stepping into a vacancy supposedly just waiting for him, especially if Republican incumbent Marlow Cook doesn't seek combine has no The Miller-For- d love for Carroll. It's quite capable, if so inclined, of sending Carroll into the arena as a Senate nominee and then cutting off support or sitting on its hands and contributing to his possible defeat. But, why would the administration pull such a stunt? Well, there's no percentage in doublccrossing Carroll except for maybe some personal satisfaction for a few we'd class as factionally tetched. But with Carroll in Washington, he'd be out of the way team can proceed and the Miller-For- d with its selections for governor. Always an FRESHMEN SPEAK encouraging sign before a legislative session is the collective independent attitude of freshmen House and Senate members, cither too idealistic or raw to hurriedly fall into line with the way things are done. At Kentucky Dam the new group called for open meetings of the important rules committees in both chambers. That's just great, though we doubt anything will come of the suggestion. About a third of all the lawmakers are new to the process. We kind of regard most of them as the best hope for upgrading the Legislature, provided they're not overtaken by lazyness, disillusionment or the various forms of persuasion. Kentucky BY JACK ANDERSON We have been WASHINGTON - of compromising an intelligence operation, perhaps even jeopardizing the life an an agent, inside the Soviet Union. Let us set the record straight. More than two years ago, we were tipped off that tlie Central Intelligence Agency had managed to eavesdrop on the private conversations of Kremlin leaders. Some of die transcripts, we were told, were quite tiltillating. We checked out the story with a CIA source who had access to the transcripts. He confirmed that the CIA was intercepting the telephone traffic between the limousines of Soviet president, who apparently was familiar with Olga. accused Kremlin Aware Our source said the transcripts showed that the Kremlin chiefs were aware the CIA was listening to them. Anything they already knew, he agreed, should be safe for the American people to be told. Therefore, it should do no harm to write about the eavesdropping operation, said our source. He cautioned, however, that the monitored conversations didn't make clear whether the Soviet leaders had figured out how we did it. We published a careful story on ; bigwigs. Sept. Unfortunately, he said, they didn't hold strategy sessions in their limousines. The CIA picked up small talk, however, wliich provided an insight into the personalities of the likes of party chief Leonid Brezhnev, Premier Alexei Kosygin and President Nikolai Podgomy. The transcripts revealed that the Soviet leaders gossip about one another and complain about their ailments. Their favorite limousine stop was a private clinic where they could get steam baths, rubdowns and other physical therapy. Brezhnev, who sometimes drinks too much vodka and suffers from hangovers, told Podgorny in a typical conversation that he was suffering from the woes and would stop off at the clinic for a massage. He mentioned a masseuse named Olga. "Olga! Oh ho!" chortled the Soviet eavesdropping. "For obvious security reasons," we wrote, "we can't give a clue as to how it's done. But we can state categorically that for years the CIA has been able to listen to the kingpins of the Kremlin banter, bicker and backbite among themselves." The following December, we quoted from secret White House minutes to show that President Nixon had lied to Congress and the public n about the conflict. This brought the President's gumshoes down on our necks with a vengeance. No newsmen in Nixondom have ever received a more thorough going-oveThe undercover work was done by the plumbers, the bizarre e unit whose operatives ran around in CIA wigs and committed foolish crimes. The bewigged ones, among other things, began checking into our 16, India-Pakista- r. para-polic- 1971, about the account of the Kremlin bugging. This aroused Richard Helms, then the CIA chief, who invited me to lunch on March 17, 1972. He asked me not to mention the eavesdropping operation in my book, "The Anderson Papers." He acknowledged that the Kremlin leaders knew their conversations had been monitored. But he pleaded with me to keep quiet and urged me particularly never to mention how the conversations were intercepted. Accordingly, I omitted the references from my book and left it to others to reveal the secret monitoring method. Not until today, after the g limousine-listeninoperation has been widely publicized elsewhere, have we mentioned how it was done. Whispering Campaign Nevertheless, the White House has seized upon this affair to justify the President's claim of national security in the plumbers case. Aides have been whispering that our story shut down one of the best pipelines into the Soviet Union. This is strictly a red herring, which President Nixon hopes will distract the Watergate bloodhounds. The truth is that: (1) the monitored Kremlin chitchat was never an important intelligence source; (2) our September 16, 1971, story revealed nothing the Kremlin leaders didn't already know; and (3) the President's claim of national security simply won't wash. His motive is perfectly clear. He is vulnerable to charges that he obstructed the investigation of the plumbers. For he has admitted not only that he formed the plumbers but that he ordered Assistant Attorney General Henry Petersen not to investigate them. Now Emil Krogh, the chief plumber, has pleaded guilty to one of the crimes committed by his curious crew. Other criminal indictments have been handed down. The President's attempt to block an investigation into these crimes, therefore, would appear to be obstruction of justice which itself is a crime. His justification for attempting to cover up the plumbers' crimes is national security. But Krogh has cut some of the ground out from under him by telling the judge: "I now feel that I cannot in conscience assert national security as a defense." SECRET TAPES: Another set of secret tapes has turned up in the t, v Wist JACK ANDERSON - Watergate investigation. The prosecutors, however, don't know whether to believe what they have heard. The tapes contain the monitored conversations of a banker, who boasted he handled a secret portfolio for President Nixon at BcBe Rcbozo's Key Biscayne Bank. The boast was made by Franklin DeBoer, who worked for awhile as vice president in charge of the trust department at Rcbozo's bank. A White House spokesman and a source close to Rebozo joined in denouncing the statement as completely false. DeBoer didn't know his words were being recorded as he talked freely on the phone and elsewhere about his banking business. We have now had access to the tapes. "I happen to work for Mr. Rebozo, Mr. Abplanalp and Mr. Nixon," said DeBoer. (Robert Abplanalp is another of the President's rich friends.) "You work for Mr. Nixon?" asked a friend. "Yes . . .," said DeBoer. "I happen to draw a substantial salary outside the bank from them, which is obviously what all these guys are trying to prove, too." The tape is slightly garbled at this point DeBoer said either "he" or "we" run "the private portfolios for these people in the bank. . . ." "You know," he continued, "I have a salary that is substantially greater than the bank pays me from these people. I don't go out and (spit) in their faces." "But you said in your testimony that you had no other Income," remarked a friend. "No other income that they could find, okay?" said DeBoer. "Let me worry about my income, huh?"

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